Satu kes tamat pada 7 Oktober. Satu lagi bermula dua hari sebelumnya. Krisis ini berakhir, atau berpindah?
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Seorang hakim di Putrajaya tidak akan berkata siapa yang benar tentang penyingkiran seorang Undang. Pada 19 Oktober, beliau memutuskan sesuatu yang lebih kecil dan lebih ganjil: bolehkah beliau bertanya pun — dan satu abad kes, dari Lagos ke London, menunjukkan persoalan itu tidak pernah mempunyai satu jawapan yang tetap.
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Thirty branches. Nobody had registered them. That was enough to kill the party that had governed Malaysia since independence. Not a coup. Not a scandal. Thirty forms nobody had filed.
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Mortmain — the dead hand. England buried the last of it in 1960. Malaysia still carries a fragment, and nobody has explained why.
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He touched his client money once; the law’s answer reveals what the profession fears most.
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The insurer says the device is unregistered, so it need not pay. The law replies: notwithstanding any written law, it must.
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The victim won his judgment; the insurer’s answer was to sue him for asking to be paid. Appeal No. 6 of Sa’Amran ended the myth of the second lawsuit — and Chen Boon Kwee has since nailed the lid down.
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Can a 1982 ouster clause still keep the courts out? Eighty years of common-law authority, laid before the bench.
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Will a ten‑year cap on Malaysia’s prime minister really prevent political ‘musical chairs’ or shadow rulers?
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The answer is, in my view, is ‘Yes’, subject to several conditions.
We shall deal with the conditions soon.
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